Retrieved 15 February Coordinadora in Defense of Water and Life. By then, the Bolivian Parliament had rushed through a new water law —Law —to ensure the legality of the privatization. In April , demonstrators again took over Cochabamba’s central plaza. The protesters also expanded their demands calling on the government to resolve unemployment and other economic problems.
Archived from the original on 19 March The officials in Bolivia for Aguas del Tunari were mostly engineers lacking marketing training. The International Commission of Jurists. Official shareware version of the film. When the auction drew only one bidder, the government signed water resources over in a year concession to Aguas del Tunari, a foreign-led consortium of private investors dominated by the Bechtel Corporation.
Meanwhile, national peasant organizations had begun to hold demonstrations in other cities throughout Bolivia La Paz, Oruro, and Potosi and rural communities.
They have a lot of money, and they want to take away our water. In the end water prices in Cochabamba returned to their pre levels with a group of community leaders running the restored state utility company SEMAPA.
Kids placed shredded pieces of paper with tacks in the road and built barricades with their toys. The mayor and the Bolivian government were wrong to insist on an expensive and unnecessary dam.
Cochabamba Water War – Wikipedia
President Hugo Banzer declared martial law on April 8th, allowing for arrests without warrants. The water network that they envisioned was wxter to provide drinking water to all the people of Cochabamba.
By then, the Bolivian Parliament had rushed through a fase water law —Law —to ensure the legality of the privatization. Webarchive template wayback links All articles with dead external links Articles with dead external links from August Articles with French-language external links Use dmy dates from February Coordinadora in Defense of Water and Life.
Bolivians end foreign-owned water privatization in Cochabamba ‘Water War’, 2000
Reporters private aater consortium. The ambassador pointed out that since the case was brought before the ICSIDwhich is an arm of the World Bank, a conflict of interest arose in this affair. Throughout March the Bolivian hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church tried to mediate between the government and the demonstrators. The GNAD looks for means of communication and structures of organization that are different from how nonviolent action was ordinarily accompanied in that place and time.
Now it would be routine for protests, and wouldn’t deserve the tag. Another clear example is the White Rose resistance in Germany during Hitler’s regime. This sort of innovation often comes up when the usual forms of communication cochbamba organization are impossible to use or would be tactically insufficient.
The New York Times. Many feared that this included water used for irrigation by peasant farmers campesinosand community-based resources that had previously been independent of regulation.
This page was last edited on 3 Mayat This made it legal for Aguas del Tunari to take over smaller systems that people had invested their own time and money in, without compensation or reimbursement. The traditional left claimed that the transfer of state property to private enterprises was unconstitutional while the right opposed the denationalization of enterprises that it considered vital and strategic. Retrieved 16 February Gathering rainwater in collection tanks was prohibited.
The World Bank thus was not included any more in the subsequent phase of the privatization. A year later it was no longer innovative.
Water Privatization Case Study: Cochabamba, Bolivia Pages 1 – 4 – Text Version | FlipHTML5
On the first day of the occupation of the plaza, 20, people filled it. Had the tariffs been raised earlier, more cash would have been available to improve service. On 19 January a settlement was reached between the Government of Bolivia then under the Presidency of Eduardo Rodriguez Veltze and Aguas del Tunariit was agreed that “the concession was terminated only because of the civil unrest and the state of emergency in Cochabamba and not because of any act done or not done by the international shareholders of Aguas del Tunari”.
Had the advice of the World Bank been followed, the construction of the dam would not have been part of the concession, the tariff increase would have been unnecessary and Aguas del Tunari would have had to face competition in its drive to win the Cochabamba concession.