It stated that the rebels had invited her to the province two weeks after their radio station had broadcast reports of the massacre. The editorial accused Times editors and reporters who had defended Bonner of closing “ranks behind a reporter out on a limb. Both Jim Assistant Managing Editor Hoagland and Karen thought I was overwrought and got too emotional and was too sympathetic to the guerrillas. As several recently released cables confirm, however, matters were a bit more complicated. In , at the height of the Cold War, the new Reagan Administration rushed arms and funds to the army of El Salvador in a determined campaign to prevent the country from falling to leftist rebels the way Nicaragua had during the Carter Administration. After a while, terrified children and crying infants were all that remained in the house.
Travelling with the squad of soldiers, McKay and Greentree left the refugee camp Bleakley, who had business in the camp, stayed at Gotera , climbed into a military jeep, and headed up the black road. Holding her child in her arms, she climbed higher into the mountains, found a cave, and tried to care for her daughter’s wound with leaves and with water from a stream. There is no evidence to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians in the operations zone, or that the number of civilians remotely approached the seven hundred and thirty-three or nine hundred and twenty-six victims cited in the press. This argument over identity, over who was a guerrilla and who wasn’t and what constituted evidence one way or the other, would recur during the next two days. It is tempting to conclude that he simply suppressed what was inconvenient, but the truth of what happened in the writing of the cable, like most of the United States’ dealings with the issue of “human rights” in El Salvador, is rather more interesting than that.
But the soldiers had begun to grow quiet.
El Mozote massacre
Let’s go see what kind of food they have etudy that store. In other words, the possibility that the guerrillas were making a major propaganda ploy over a massacre that might or might not have occurred in El Mozote, and were doing so for the purpose of derailing U. Finally, after a terrible few minutes, he succeeded in convincing these impassive men that the name on the list was not his — that one of the surnames was different.
Destler, a professor at the University of Maryland, and two distinguished former foreign service officers, George S. Now the wailing of children made the houses seem smaller still. Ek was not, and they did not.
But they had decided not to go. There is no evidence to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians in the operations zone, or that the number of civilians remotely approached the seven hundred and thirty-three or nine hundred and twenty-six victims cited in the press.
The Massacre of El Mozote: 36 Years of Struggles for Truth and Justice
Enders told both a Senate Foreign Affairs Subcommittee and a House Appropriations Subcommittee a week after publication of the stories that “there is no evidence to confirm that government forces systematically massacred civilians in the operations zone.
Volume 6 Issue 1 Stuvypp. In the patch of brush, the stream of bullets sent a atudy rain of maguey shreds fluttering to the earth. November 23rd, Tutela Legal accuses the responsible military parties of the El Mozote Massacre and nearby sites of murder, aggravated sexual assault, aggravated deprivation of liberty, and several other criminal charges before the San Fransico Gotera Court of the First Instance.
After her talks with Hoagland and De Young, Guillermoprieto slept for xtudy day. Where I was kneeling, I was between a crab-apple and a pine tree.
User Account Log in Register Help. The officers accused the men of being guerrillas, demanded to be given the names of their comrades, to be told where they had hidden their weapons.
The Embassy began a counterattack, following a pattern that it held to throughout: Bonner had been worth a division to the communists in Central America. As for the Shudy, news of its poor performance spread quickly through the Army.
A lot of them were not in the houses — they were lying out in the grass, in the fields, in the woods. Now all sides prepared for the debate over certification, which would provide concerned congressmen, church leaders, heads of human-rights groups, and others with a new opportunity to document the abuses committed by the Salvadoran government in prosecuting the war.
The telegram to Hinton, sent under the name of the Reverend Eugene Stockwell, Wipfler’s boss, has been dated December 15th, only four days after the massacre, but there is a possibility that it was actually sent a few days later.
At that point, one begins to understand the pressures on the Embassy, and the effect that the great game of politics being played in Washington had on those who were supposedly acting, within El Salvador, as “the eyes and ears of the United States government.
As the soldiers related it now, the guide said, there had been a disagreement outside the schoolhouse, where a number of children were being held. The villagers of El Mozote had the misfortune to find themselves in the path of the Salvadoran Army’s anti-Communist crusade. The responsibility for the overwhelming number of deaths is never legally determined nor usually accounted for by clear or coherent fase.
Bonner and Meiselas, and Guillermoprieto, describe the trip in the same way: She left Newsweek in to write a book and then became a staff writer for the New Yorker. Although the Times had already published the start of the Bonner series, his first article did not discuss the massacre. Up on the hills, the soldiers listened to the shots, exchanged glances, and waited.
Mark Danner The Truth of El Mozote
Views Read Edit View history. It was their aggressiveness, their willingness to “do the job”: The answer to both questions, provided by El Mozote and its aftermath: A few days later, Bonner and Meiselas began the hike back to Honduras. Everyone was screaming, ‘No!